US Politics: When Delaware Matters --- And How to Survive It (Haddigan)

EA's US Politics correspondent Lee Haddigan writes:

After reading my daily in-tray of e-newsletters, I am somewhat bemused and enthused this morning. Delaware, the second-smallest state in the US (saved only by Rhode Island from the label of tiniest) and possibly the least-noticed, is now national news, and it will be until the state’s Republican primary for the US Senate is resolved on 14 September.

Establishment Republican favourite Mike Castle is running against Christine O’Donnell, a conservative backed by the Tea Party. And this is not just the latest round in Republican in-fighting before November's general elections. If Castle or O'Donnell defeats the Democrat candidate, he or she will take the seat in Congress immediately because this contest is for a long-term replacement for Joe Biden, who left the Senate to become Vice President. With both Republicans faring adequately --- Castle better than O’Donnell so far --- in the polls against Democrat nominee Chris Coons, plans by the administration to use the "lame-duck" Congressional session between November and January to pass controversial legislation could be significantly affected.

But more on the serious stuff shortly. The big news is that Delaware, for a short while, will be the focus of national politics. As an adopted Delawarean, I feel it is my duty to pass on a few warnings to the media types and interested observers who will try and dissect the politics of the state in the next few days.

(If you are still vainly searching for Delaware on a US map, look for the little outlined dot marked DE, just south of Pennsylvania and east of Maryland. A further note: the only tourist attractions in Delaware are the excellent beaches on the Atlantic coast.)

I claimed Delaware as my state after living there for six years, but I don’t believe Delaware was too happy with my decision. To be considered a proper Delawarean, you have to be a descendant of at least three generations of natives of the state. Joe Biden, who moved to Delaware after his first 10 years in Scranton, Pennsylvania, is not considered by some Delawareans, especially in southern Sussex County, to come from the state that he represented in Congress.

Commentators on this election will congregate in Wilmington, the largest city, and try to predict the outcome. They need to be wary. Wilmington is in the north of the state and viewed by the lower, "slower" half as the home of the credit card companies, and their liberal allies, who have helped ruin the United States. Political views held in Wilmington hold no relation whatsoever to opinions just down the road in Smyrna or Bridgeville.

The Mason-Dixon Line split between the North and South --- in practice, if not in geographical certainty --- occurs just south of the University of Delaware in Newark. It is the line of sharp differences in the state between a commercial/industrial/academic north and a rural south, with the differing political outlooks these generate. Northern Delawareans are prone to portray the south, where corn cribs are still a vital part of heritage, as the home of muskrat-eating, punkin-chunkin (the Punkin Chunkin, or pumpkin throwing, World Championships are staged in Sussex County) hicks. The corporate types who dominate Wilmington, at least in the daytime before they scuttle back to the suburbs, are especially keen to belittle the south as a backward part of the state.

The reality is for analysts trying to figure out this primary, and the Senate election following it, is that they will need to visit the southern half to have a chance of getting it right. So here are some tips for survival....

The first and most important warning is to never order the Scrapple for breakfast. It may be quaint idea to try a local favourite dish, and I did, but look it up on the internet before you attempt it. I never saw muskrat on a menu, but after trying Scrapple it sounds an appetising alternative.

More importantly, once you get past Wilmington, don’t bother talking politics with the locals or even the students in Newark. They don’t care to discuss such matters. Usually a taciturn lot, Delawares will consider you an alien species to be avoided if you break the taboo. Delawareans have opinions, and they vote upon them, but they don’t discuss it with strangers out of the natural civility the state is proud to claim. If in this election, you may catch a local unawares and solicit a terse comment, he or she will suffer from the withering stares from fellow Delawareans for years to come.

Part of the disregard of Delawareans for Wilmington and Newark comes from the opinion that the two places represent the invasion of the state by liberal northerners. However, it mostly stems from what they perceive as America’s mocking ignorance of "Dela-where" from enemies such as as Friends, The Simpsons, and the film Wayne’s World.

Delawareans are proud to point out that they are the First State of the Union, being the first state to ratify the Constitution. They will also remind you that the Stars and Stripes were first flown in battle at Cooch’s Bridge in 1777. Many Delawareans can trace the family history back to the Revolution (one subject, along with stock car racing, they will freely discuss)--- they consider an upstart like California a foreign country.

So, in your short visit there for the election, don’t make fun of Dela-where, at least outside of Wilmington and Newark. The locals are normally polite and civil, but you joke at your own peril.

Perhaps Delaware may surprise me with this nationally watched election and enter the political fray with more gusto than usual. The Tea Party Express, the instigators of the campaign that saw Joe Miller beat Lisa Murkowski in Alaska, have recently announced they will coordinate a similar strategy for O’Donnell to defeat King RINO (Republicans In Name Only) Castle. The aim is to raise $200,000 for her candidacy --- $21,000 has been given to date –-- and that's significant money in Delaware.

For the year that I have been tracking the Tea Party, I have kept an interested eye on the movement’s appeal in Delaware. Minimal, at best, sums up what I’ve seen so far. Unless the Tea Party Express can overcome Delawareans' traditional apathy for political controversy, then it may well see the derailing of O’Donnell’s campaign. Delaware won’t like those Tea Partiers telling them who to vote for, even if they don’t much care for Mike Castle.

Even the much desired endorsement of O’Donnell by Sarah Palin as part of the Palin Babes Revolution (O’Donnell has a telegenic appeal similar that of Palin and South Carolina's Nikki Haley) within the Republican Party will not help much, at least outside of Wilmington. Palin may be a poster girl for the anti-establishment Right nationally, but in this state she is just another of those pesky politicians.

Even before the Tea Party backed O’Donnell, this was turning into a bitter contest by Delaware’s recent standards. In March there were claims that O’Donnell was a hypocrite in calling for fiscal and social conservatism while her own finances and morals were in such disarray. On 21 March, The Wilmington News Journal asserted that O’Donnell owed back taxes, sold her house because it was foreclosed, and still had debts from her campaign against Joe Biden in 2008.

(This article and others are on the Know Christine O'Donnell website which only exists to make available these allegations; there is no commentary and no indication of who finances the site. These claims are duplicated on the realchristine.com website, paid for by the Castle Campaign Fund, which invites visitors to spread the word via Twitter: “How can we trust Christine O'Donnell with our money when she's been so reckless with her own?”)

If you visit O’Donnell’s website,  you will find documents that prove her innocence, at least to her supporters. Some have gone further. Liberty.com, a website founded by former members of the O’Donnell campaign and claiming to be new hub for Tea Party activities, was launched on 1 September with the slur that Castle was having a gay affair without his wife’s knowledge.

Perhaps in states where politics is a contact sport, such attacks may be the norm and may appear somewhat tame. But with citizens forced to be polite from fear of upsetting neighbours in a small face-to-face community, Delaware does not do nasty politics. O’Donnell is attracting criticism for not being immediate enough in her denunciations of the "out-of-state" claim. (On Friday, O’Donnell released a press statement stating: “I do not endorse that kind of mudslinging, and I’m asking all of my supporters not to go down that route.”)

Tongue-in-cheek generalisations aside, this election in Delaware is turning into a pivotal indicator of the future effectiveness of the conservative Right. O’Donnell’s statement denouncing the gay slur continued: “I am challenging Mike Castle to publicly denounce GOP State Chairman Tom Ross’ mudslinging and ask all of the Delaware State Republican Committee to stop the thug politics.” O’Donnell believes she is the victim of repeated attacks by the Republican establishment to wreck her campaign, and she is using that to portray herself as a martyr for the conservative cause. If she manages to upset the odds and beat Castle, it seems almost impossible that she will be able to work with the Delaware GOP party machinery to defeat Democrat candidate Coons in November.

Meanwhile, there are signs of splits within the conservative camp. The gay slur led Erick Erickson of redstate.com, possibly the most influential blogger on the conservative Right, to announce he is no longer actively supporting O’Donnell. He derided “amateur hour” politics --- even though he "would rather be slowly run over by a road roller while listening to Janeane Garofalo dialogue from The Truth About Cats and Dogs than see Mike Castle in the Senate”, he was “pulling the plug” on his interest in Delaware’s Senate race.

The numerous comments posted below Erickson’s article indicate that not all members of the  conservative resurgence are happy with his decision. If O’Donnell is defeated by Castle, expect mutterings in the movement about how O’Donnell was sold out.

I have said that the Tea Party will implode as the result of internal dissension. Could 14 September in Delaware be the date in history books when the first crumbling of the Tea Party coalition began?

Perhaps it is still a little too early for that to happen, but with the stakes so high, it looks like Dela-where has finally pushed aside The Simpsons and Wayne’s World.

Iraq Video and Transcript: President Obama Declares End of US Combat Mission (31 August)

Video & Analysis: Obama “Iraq Withdrawal” Speech Covers Up Shift on Afghanistan (3 August)

THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. Tonight, I’d like to talk to you about the end of our combat mission in Iraq, the ongoing security challenges we face, and the need to rebuild our nation here at home.

I know this historic moment comes at a time of great uncertainty for many Americans. We’ve now been through nearly a decade of war. We’ve endured a long and painful recession. And sometimes in the midst of these storms, the future that we’re trying to build for our nation -- a future of lasting peace and long-term prosperity -- may seem beyond our reach.

But this milestone should serve as a reminder to all Americans that the future is ours to shape if we move forward with confidence and commitment. It should also serve as a message to the world that the United States of America intends to sustain and strengthen our leadership in this young century.

From this desk, seven and a half years ago, President Bush announced the beginning of military operations in Iraq. Much has changed since that night. A war to disarm a state became a fight against an insurgency. Terrorism and sectarian warfare threatened to tear Iraq apart. Thousands of Americans gave their lives; tens of thousands have been wounded. Our relations abroad were strained. Our unity at home was tested.

These are the rough waters encountered during the course of one of America’s longest wars. Yet there has been one constant amidst these shifting tides. At every turn, America’s men and women in uniform have served with courage and resolve. As Commander-in-Chief, I am incredibly proud of their service. And like all Americans, I’m awed by their sacrifice, and by the sacrifices of their families.

The Americans who have served in Iraq completed every mission they were given. They defeated a regime that had terrorized its people. Together with Iraqis and coalition partners who made huge sacrifices of their own, our troops fought block by block to help Iraq seize the chance for a better future. They shifted tactics to protect the Iraqi people, trained Iraqi Security Forces, and took out terrorist leaders. Because of our troops and civilians -- and because of the resilience of the Iraqi people -- Iraq has the opportunity to embrace a new destiny, even though many challenges remain.

So tonight, I am announcing that the American combat mission in Iraq has ended. Operation Iraqi Freedom is over, and the Iraqi people now have lead responsibility for the security of their country.

This was my pledge to the American people as a candidate for this office. Last February, I announced a plan that would bring our combat brigades out of Iraq, while redoubling our efforts to strengthen Iraq’s Security Forces and support its government and people.

That’s what we’ve done. We’ve removed nearly 100,000 U.S. troops from Iraq. We’ve closed or transferred to the Iraqis hundreds of bases. And we have moved millions of pieces of equipment out of Iraq.

This completes a transition to Iraqi responsibility for their own security. U.S. troops pulled out of Iraq’s cities last summer, and Iraqi forces have moved into the lead with considerable skill and commitment to their fellow citizens. Even as Iraq continues to suffer terrorist attacks, security incidents have been near the lowest on record since the war began. And Iraqi forces have taken the fight to al Qaeda, removing much of its leadership in Iraqi-led operations.

This year also saw Iraq hold credible elections that drew a strong turnout. A caretaker administration is in place as Iraqis form a government based on the results of that election. Tonight, I encourage Iraq’s leaders to move forward with a sense of urgency to form an inclusive government that is just, representative, and accountable to the Iraqi people. And when that government is in place, there should be no doubt. The Iraqi people will have a strong partner in the United States. Our combat mission is ending, but our commitment to Iraq’s future is not.

Going forward, a transitional force of U.S. troops will remain in Iraq with a different mission: advising and assisting Iraq’s Security Forces, supporting Iraqi troops in targeted counterterrorism missions, and protecting our civilians. Consistent with our agreement with the Iraqi government, all U.S. troops will leave by the end of next year. As our military draws down, our dedicated civilians -- diplomats, aid workers, and advisors -- are moving into the lead to support Iraq as it strengthens its government, resolves political disputes, resettles those displaced by war, and builds ties with the region and the world. That’s a message that Vice President Biden is delivering to the Iraqi people through his visit there today.

This new approach reflects our long-term partnership with Iraq -- one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect. Of course, violence will not end with our combat mission. Extremists will continue to set off bombs, attack Iraqi civilians and try to spark sectarian strife. But ultimately, these terrorists will fail to achieve their goals. Iraqis are a proud people. They have rejected sectarian war, and they have no interest in endless destruction. They understand that, in the end, only Iraqis can resolve their differences and police their streets. Only Iraqis can build a democracy within their borders. What America can do, and will do, is provide support for the Iraqi people as both a friend and a partner.

Ending this war is not only in Iraq’s interest -- it’s in our own. The United States has paid a huge price to put the future of Iraq in the hands of its people. We have sent our young men and women to make enormous sacrifices in Iraq, and spent vast resources abroad at a time of tight budgets at home. We’ve persevered because of a belief we share with the Iraqi people -- a belief that out of the ashes of war, a new beginning could be born in this cradle of civilization. Through this remarkable chapter in the history of the United States and Iraq, we have met our responsibility. Now, it’s time to turn the page.

As we do, I’m mindful that the Iraq war has been a contentious issue at home. Here, too, it’s time to turn the page. This afternoon, I spoke to former President George W. Bush. It’s well known that he and I disagreed about the war from its outset. Yet no one can doubt President Bush’s support for our troops, or his love of country and commitment to our security. As I’ve said, there were patriots who supported this war, and patriots who opposed it. And all of us are united in appreciation for our servicemen and women, and our hopes for Iraqis’ future.

The greatness of our democracy is grounded in our ability to move beyond our differences, and to learn from our experience as we confront the many challenges ahead. And no challenge is more essential to our security than our fight against al Qaeda.

Americans across the political spectrum supported the use of force against those who attacked us on 9/11. Now, as we approach our 10th year of combat in Afghanistan, there are those who are understandably asking tough questions about our mission there. But we must never lose sight of what’s at stake. As we speak, al Qaeda continues to plot against us, and its leadership remains anchored in the border regions of Afghanistan and Pakistan. We will disrupt, dismantle and defeat al Qaeda, while preventing Afghanistan from again serving as a base for terrorists. And because of our drawdown in Iraq, we are now able to apply the resources necessary to go on offense. In fact, over the last 19 months, nearly a dozen al Qaeda leaders --- and hundreds of al Qaeda’s extremist allies ---have been killed or captured around the world.

Within Afghanistan, I’ve ordered the deployment of additional troops who -- under the command of General David Petraeus -- are fighting to break the Taliban’s momentum.

As with the surge in Iraq, these forces will be in place for a limited time to provide space for the Afghans to build their capacity and secure their own future. But, as was the case in Iraq, we can’t do for Afghans what they must ultimately do for themselves. That’s why we’re training Afghan Security Forces and supporting a political resolution to Afghanistan’s problems. And next August, we will begin a transition to Afghan responsibility. The pace of our troop reductions will be determined by conditions on the ground, and our support for Afghanistan will endure. But make no mistake: This transition will begin -- because open-ended war serves neither our interests nor the Afghan people’s.

Indeed, one of the lessons of our effort in Iraq is that American influence around the world is not a function of military force alone. We must use all elements of our power -- including our diplomacy, our economic strength, and the power of America’s example -- to secure our interests and stand by our allies. And we must project a vision of the future that’s based not just on our fears, but also on our hopes -- a vision that recognizes the real dangers that exist around the world,
but also the limitless possibilities of our time.

Today, old adversaries are at peace, and emerging democracies are potential partners. New markets for our goods stretch from Asia to the Americas. A new push for peace in the Middle East will begin here tomorrow. Billions of young people want to move beyond the shackles of poverty and conflict. As the leader of the free world, America will do more than just defeat on the battlefield those who offer hatred and destruction -- we will also lead among those who are willing to work together to expand freedom and opportunity for all people.

Now, that effort must begin within our own borders. Throughout our history, America has been willing to bear the burden of promoting liberty and human dignity overseas, understanding its links to our own liberty and security. But we have also understood that our nation’s strength and influence abroad must be firmly anchored in our prosperity at home. And the bedrock of that prosperity must be a growing middle class.

Unfortunately, over the last decade, we’ve not done what’s necessary to shore up the foundations of our own prosperity. We spent a trillion dollars at war, often financed by borrowing from overseas. This, in turn, has short-changed investments in our own people, and contributed to record deficits. For too long, we have put off tough decisions on everything from our manufacturing base to our energy policy to education reform. As a result, too many middle-class families find themselves working harder for less, while our nation’s long-term competitiveness is put at risk.

And so at this moment, as we wind down the war in Iraq, we must tackle those challenges at home with as much energy, and grit, and sense of common purpose as our men and women in uniform who have served abroad. They have met every test that they faced. Now, it’s our turn. Now, it’s our responsibility to honor them by coming together, all of us, and working to secure the dream that so many generations have fought for -- the dream that a better life awaits anyone who is willing to work for it and reach for it.

Our most urgent task is to restore our economy, and put the millions of Americans who have lost their jobs back to work. To strengthen our middle class, we must give all our children the education they deserve, and all our workers the skills that they need to compete in a global economy. We must jumpstart industries that create jobs, and end our dependence on foreign oil. We must unleash the innovation that allows new products to roll off our assembly lines, and nurture the ideas that spring from our entrepreneurs. This will be difficult. But in the days to come, it must be our central mission as a people, and my central responsibility as President.

Part of that responsibility is making sure that we honor our commitments to those who have served our country with such valor. As long as I am President, we will maintain the finest fighting force that the world has ever known, and we will do whatever it takes to serve our veterans as well as they have served us. This is a sacred trust. That’s why we’ve already made one of the largest increases in funding for veterans in decades. We’re treating the signature wounds of today’s wars -- post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury -- while providing the health care and benefits that all of our veterans have earned. And we’re funding a Post-9/11 GI Bill that helps our veterans and their families pursue the dream of a college education. Just as the GI Bill helped those who fought World War II -- including my grandfather -- become the backbone of our middle class, so today’s servicemen and women must have the chance to apply their gifts to expand the American economy. Because part of ending a war responsibly is standing by those who have fought it.

Two weeks ago, America’s final combat brigade in Iraq -- the Army’s Fourth Stryker Brigade -- journeyed home in the pre-dawn darkness. Thousands of soldiers and hundreds of vehicles made the trip from Baghdad, the last of them passing into Kuwait in the early morning hours. Over seven years before, American troops and coalition partners had fought their way across similar highways, but this time no shots were fired. It was just a convoy of brave Americans, making their way home.

Of course, the soldiers left much behind. Some were teenagers when the war began. Many have served multiple tours of duty, far from families who bore a heroic burden of their own, enduring the absence of a husband’s embrace or a mother’s kiss. Most painfully, since the war began, 55 members of the Fourth Stryker Brigade made the ultimate sacrifice -- part of over 4,400 Americans who have given their lives in Iraq. As one staff sergeant said, “I know that to my brothers in arms who fought and died, this day would probably mean a lot.”

Those Americans gave their lives for the values that have lived in the hearts of our people for over two centuries. Along with nearly 1.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq, they fought in a faraway place for people they never knew. They stared into the darkest of human creations --- war --- and helped the Iraqi people seek the light of peace.

In an age without surrender ceremonies, we must earn victory through the success of our partners and the strength of our own nation. Every American who serves joins an unbroken line of heroes that stretches from Lexington to Gettysburg; from Iwo Jima to Inchon; from Khe Sanh to Kandahar --- Americans who have fought to see that the lives of our children are better than our own. Our troops are the steel in our ship of state. And though our nation may be travelling through rough waters, they give us confidence that our course is true, and that beyond the pre-dawn darkness, better days lie ahead.

Thank you. May God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America, and all who serve her.