Iran Analysis: Thoughts on Resistance and the Green Movement (Salim/Nasiri)
Thursday, August 4, 2011 at 8:33
Pejman Salim and Shahin Nasiri, via Iranian Progressive Youth, write for EA (notes at bottom of essay):
“Do not forget that we, you and I, have been considerate to human kind!”1
Introduction
The struggle for secularism, democracy and the rule of law is not a novel phenomenon in the political history of Iran. The Iranian people have long fought for freedom and equality. While this struggle has at times achieved some high grounds, its mission remains to this day incomplete.2 The recent inspiring uprisings in the Middle East have revived the resistance movement in Iran. These uprisings call on us to examine the prospects of popular protest in Iran and the conditions necessary for its emergence and development in the society.
First Impressions
The popular protests after the 2009 elections once again exposed to the outside world the fundamental conflicts that exist between the people of Iran and their government. In response to these protests, the ruling dictatorship intensified its measures of totalitarian control. Following the election, hundreds of civilians were persecuted, tortured, and sentenced to imprisonment and execution in show trials..3 At the moment, the possibilities for organization and mobilization remain limited due to the large scale nature of government repression. Many non-governmental organizations have lost their legal licenses and the Ahmadinejad’s administration is currently trying to paralyze any NGO that remains operative through a new statutory bill. Barriers are also being placed before the activities of independent charity organizations.
The ruling regime in Iran demonstrates all the features of a totalitarian state.4 Show trials, torture and countless executions shape the face of the regime. Indeed, from its inception, the Islamic system established and consolidated its power through bloody purges and fundamentalist policies. Since then violence and control have been incorporated into the legal and political structure of the regime. The enforcement of the state hegemony is accompanied by the military dominance of the Revolutionary Guards and their subsidiaries. Furthermore, the ruling class exercises extensive control over all key industries and determinative economic resources. To this list one should also add the regime’s total control over the mass media and its conversion into a state propaganda machine as well as the government’s repressive control of the private sector. These characteristics together make the Islamic regime one of the most brutal governments ever seen in the modern era. Despite all these, the regime is currently in a state of deep crisis.
Repression and Resistance
With the emergence of internal divisions at the highest levels of the regime, rooted in the conflicting political interests of the reformists and the military regime of Ahmadinejad, a schism has occurred in the system in terms of its overall coherence. The regime is no longer able to keep the society coherent and to maintain its legitimacy and stability even in the most superficial way. The system’s loss of legitimacy and stability seems irreversible. Nonetheless, the government has a wary eye on any signs of a popular protest movement and subjects the citizenry to systematic violence, coordinated by members of the Basij and the Revolutionary Guards.
In this situation, the opposition faces a fatal choice: it must either surrender or develop innovative strategies of resistance for moving forward. The determining question here is whether confronting the existing suppression can unbalance the power relations to the advantage of the opposition?
In this context it is worth mentioning that the reformists, who hitherto have had a leading position in the Green Movement, have not played a positive role in the advancement and realization of protest strategies. The fact that the reformists have held positions of power and influence within the establishment of the Islamic Republic has led them to adopt contradictory and at times illogical positions against the popular demand for the overhaul of the religious dictatorship.5 The reformist leaders of the Green Movement, Mousavi and Karroubi, have consistently stated that they intend to conduct their political activities within the boundaries of the Constitution.6 There have been also numerous reformist politicians who have been trying hard to arrive at a negotiated agreement with their powerful opponents.7
In conclusion, it is clear that the will of the people is not congruent with the interests of those conservative reformists whose political and economic interests lie in the continuing existence of the establishment. This has caused many citizens, especially those of working classes to conclude that the current conflict is one between two groups, of which one (the reformists) wishes to divide the country’s wealth among the existing political elite whereas the other is determined to monopolize it.8
Independent of these internal power struggles however, we are witnessing that the civil society is increasingly striving for fundamental principles such as respect for human rights, secularism and gender equality. The movement has in fact gradually radicalised, following the mass protests against fraudulent election results. The slogans now target the system as a whole and the Supreme Leader Khamenei directly. With this characteristic in mind one can begin to re-examine the dynamism of the Green Movement.
Subsidy Cuts
It goes without saying that a large sector of the population is radically against the establishment and its repressive ideology and discriminatory laws including the Constitution. However, in order to arrive at a careful assessment of the movement’s chances of success, one has to consider a number of important political and economic parameters.
The government of President Ahmadinejad is currently in the process of implementing a large-scale policy of abolishing governmental subsidies for basic life necessities such as food and energy. In the past months this destructive project has gone hand in hand with intimidation, threats and systematic executions.9 The aggressive implementation of this plan is aimed at thoroughly reconfiguring the economical relationships to the advantage of the ruling political class. “Its canon is its own bloody efficiency”.1 The consequence of this forceful reconfiguration is the gradual transfer of economic power to autocrats and military institutions like the Revolutionary Guards.
It is notable that the dysfunctional and incompetent leadership of the clergy in the past thirty years has resulted in the political and economic organs of the country being no longer functional and effective.. As a result of this mismanagement, which has also resulted in the elimination of subsidies, the middle class will soon evaporate. However, it will be particularly the impoverished class that will suffer catastrophically under these policies. As a consequence, it is highly likely that economically-driven mass protests will occur. These protests will be, however, dispersed and sporadic in nature due to the structural and organizational weaknesses of civil society organizations. As such, one cannot predict whether these transformations can ultimately lead to fundamental and democratic changes. Accordingly, the future prospect of the movement remains speculative. In shaping this prospect, the following factors will be determining:
First of all, only a tiny sector of the labour force is capable of organizing itself into a mobilizing force for targeted protests such as strikes. This inability is the result of systematic government repression that has always considered the labor movement to be a great threat due to its transformative and progressive qualities. Accordingly, the strikes that have happened up until have always been defensive in nature. 11
Secondly, it is remarkable that within the prevalent discourse of the Green Movement, which is being propagated by privileged reformists, the determining role that impoverished classes can play in the resistance movement is being deliberately ignored.12 This group of reformists has always strived for the realization of an Iranianized model of neoliberal economy. As such, to step out of this impasse and to pursue the resistance with realistic and feasible strategies, it is of great importance that an alternative discourse based on popular demands and grievances develop.
A New Paradigm
The Green Movement can only develop into a historical, authentic and successful movement when it becomes representative of the collective will of society. Despite the fact that there various social groups with diverse interests and needs in the society, there exist some common interests that can bind various groups together in their fight against oppression.
On the one hand one has to bear in mind that it is impossible to achieve meaningful political freedoms as long as the structures that produce and reproduce economic inequality persist.13 On the other hand, one must not lose sight of the fact that achieving fundamental political changes can only be realized by those who play an essential role in the relationships of production. On this basis, the concept of democracy should not be reduced to mere distribution of political power. On the contrary, it should be broadened to also include a fair distribution of economic power.14
It is undeniable that until now, the Green Movement has not taken advantage of many opportunities, among which are the organization of effective strikes and the deployment of protest potentials in the workplace.
Convergence of Political Forces
Based on the assumption that fundamental and democratic changes occur in the very process of change, one can conclude that the process can itself lead to the actualization of potential forces. The pursuit of political freedom and maintenance of civil rights must therefore initially develop graduall. This partially means that the creativity and efforts of the participants in this transitional phase is decisive.
The absence of representative political parties and organization means that the social movements stand alone in the struggle against the dictatorship in Iran. However many different subjective and objective tendencies of economical, political and moral character could form the material basis for the self-organization of grassroots. Moreover, these forces could be organized solidary.
If economic inequality is raised as a galvanizing issue, the potential of the working class for turning into a progressive force of change will be released. This power will then manifest itself in mass protests in large industries such as petroleum, metal, communication and electricity. All in all, by actively emphasizing the gap between the rulers and the people, one can mobilize an increasing number of silent citizens to participate in the democratic movement and popular protests.
Accordingly, middle class activists, especially the intellectuals, students and social activists need to get in touch with each other and their international counterparts in an organic, interactive and communicative manner. In this context it is important to notice that the democratic movement in Iran is itself strongly influenced by Iran’s vibrant women’s rights movement. Women, who have been oppressed because of their sex and political opinion in the religious dictatorship, have had a decisive role in the Green Movement.15 In addition to the women’s rights movement, the student movement16, as a heterogeneous collective, can also act as a political catalyst propelling people toward organized political action.17 Remarkably, the student movement in Iran is the only social movement with historical continuity. This characteristic makes the transfer of experience possible and enables the movement to have a consistent presence in the civil society.
Students and other social activists can help the protests remain organized and on the right track through their educational, consciousness raising activities.18 The expansion ofa critical discourse is in this context determinative. It will enable opposition forces to come together and paves the path for the realization of qualitative changes
International Perspective
In a situation that the Iranian State finds itself in a deep legitimacy crisis, both nationally19 and internationally, the moral support of the international community has become more important than ever. Instead of trying to remain on good terms with the dictators, Western politicians should take the side of democratic movements clearly and decisively
In this context it is important to emphasize that the foreign policy of each state is an extension of its domestic one.2 From the aggressive foreign policy of Nazi Germany to the USA’s isolationism in the beginning of the previous millennium, history has shown us repeatedly that the external ambitions of a state are a direct reflection of its internal politics.21 Therefore, one should analyze the nuclear ambitions of Iran in the context of its domestic politics.22
Iran threatening gestures from the nuclear crisis and its provocative rhetoric to its destabilising activities in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and the Palestinian territories23 are rooted in the ideological and megalomaniac motives of a regime that also brutally oppresses its own nationals.24 Iranian officials consider the costly nuclear program as the last and most essential means to restore their nationally and internationally staggering position. Due to this fundamentalist mentality, Iran has rarely showed respect and adherence for the principles of international law. The only sustainable solution for the security issues in Iran is thus a democratic alternative, which must emerge from within Iran.
External Factors
The human rights situation in Iran is followed closely by both the United Nations and independent NGOs. Recently, the General Assembly of the UN has expressed its deep concerns about the human rights situation, and political arrests, death penalties, tortures and stoning of women in particular.25 Earlier in 2010, the UN Human Rights Council (Universal Periodic Review, UPR) gave a series of critical recommendations on the human rights situation in Iran.26 However, Iranian officials have once again shown to be indifferent toward these criticisms and recommendations.
The international community must have human rights issues in mind in all its dealings with Iran. In this context, one must observe that the brutal crackdown following the controversial presidential election of 2009 is one example of abuse that can be considered as a crime against humanity under the principles of international law.27 The Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) has released a comprehensive report in which it concludes that the repressive acts of the Iranian State constitute crimes against humanity.28
The systematic violations of human rights by the Iranian regime are not unique to the present era; the regime has committed violations of human rights since its very inception and will continue to do so into the future. The recent human rights violations stand beside the gross human rights violations committed in the 1980s which have been recognized as falling in the category of international crimes. In particular, one has to mention the 1988 massacre of political prisoners which arguably constitutes both genocide and crimes against humanity.29 As such, the government of Iran must be subjected to continuous international criticism for its illegal acts. In doing so, the international community can resort to the various juridical and political means available to it such as targeted human rights sanctions and referral by the Security Council to the International Criminal Court.
Appropriate Measures
The USA has imposed sanctions on eight persons who are known to have been involved in committing gross human rights violations.3 Unlike the sanctions imposed previously, these sanctions have not targeted Iran’s controversial nuclear program but its troubling human rights record. Based on the same facts, the European Union has imposed further sanctions on 32 Iranian officers.31 And, beyond this, the Human Rights Council of the UN has appointed a Special Reporter for a thorough investigation of the human rights situation in Iran.32 As usual, Iran has stated that it will not cooperate with the Special Reporter.33 However, Iran’s refusal to cooperate in the investigation and fulfill its international obligations could result in its case being referred to the UN General Assembly.
This new round of measures is of course of great significance to Iran’s democratic movement. Given the fact that Iran has consistently ignored the international calls to honor the human rights of its citizens, it is urgent that the international community intervene in a more persistent and decisive manner.
In addition to governments, Western NGOs and social movements can also offer critical support to Iran’s democratic movement. In the new millennium, NGOs play a prominent role in the defense of human rights.34 The perspective of NGOs as public interest groups is being increasingly taken into account in decision-making processes.35 In short, they are the conscience of the western world. History also testifies to the positive effect of civil society organizations in delegitimizing repressive regimes such as the South African Apartheid Regime. As such, it is of great importance that Western social movements engage themselves with the democratic movement of Iran. They can help the development of grass roots discourses by identifying and supporting democratic and progressive forces and contribute to the process of democratization in Iran.36
Inspiration
In the end, it is important to note that every Iranian person is entitled to the inherent right of self-defense under international law. This right is clearly provided in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international instruments.37
The uprising in Tunisia and Egypt teach us that one need not ask for permission from oppressors when fighting for fundamental transformations. It is rather the spontaneous and mass presence of civilians on the streets that can change the balance of power to the advantage of the population. These experiences also teach us that one should not direct oneself to the oppressors to guarantee fundamental rights. Instead, people should clearly recognize their strengths and potential, and pursue their struggle with self-confidence.38 Because where danger is, the power of salvation also grows.39
NOTES
1 Fragment from the poem Phoenix in the rain written by the Iranian poet Ahmad Shamlou
2 In this context one can refer to 3 peaks: constitutional revolution (1906-1910), reforms under the rule of the democratic Prime Minister M. Mossadegh (1951-1953) and the overthrow of the monarchy (1979). See: E. Abrahmian, A History of Modern Iran (Cambridge University Press, 2008).
3 For an extended view on the recent human rights violations in Iran see: Iran Human Rights Documentation Center(2010), Violent Aftermath: The 2009 election and suppression of dissident in Iran
4 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1950); Anthony Giddens, Sociology (Polity Press, 1989).
5 This will can be concretely derived from the radical slogan, like “Gone with Khamenei” or “Gone with Velayate Faqih”, which have been recently proclaimed during the mass protests of February 14 2011 as well.
6 See Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi, Het manifest van de Groene Beweging, onder b. (2de editie)
7 For a recent example, see interview with the spokesman of Jebheh Mosharekat (one of the most important reformist political organizations), http://www.roozonline.com/persian/news/newsitem/article/-cd3a213e47.html.
8 M. Maljoo, "The Green movement awaits an invisible hand", Middle East Report, 2010
9 Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, "The IHRDC calls on Iran to halt all executions", Feb. 11, 2011
10 Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, Dialektik der Aufklärung (Amsterdam, 1947)
11 To get insight into the various aspects of the labor movement, among which the forms of organization, historical developments, etc., see M. Maljoo, M, "Is There a Labor Movement in Iran?", Deutsche Welle, 2010, http://www.payvand.com/news/10/feb/1136.html
12 Maljoo, "The Green movement awaits an invisible hand"
13 S. Nasiri, "A review on political freedom and democracy", http://iranpy.net/articles/903; Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, (Heinemann, 1972)
14 Idem. See also C.B. Macpherson, The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy ( Oxford University Press, 1977)
15 See F.A. Sadeghi, "A Feminine Struggle to Patriarchy? Women and Gender in the Green Movement", in Negin Nabavi (ed.), The Iranian Revolution: Thirty Years After, forthcoming
16 Currently more than 3 million youths study at Iranian universities.
17 See Herbert Marcuse, Psychoanalyse und Politik (Frankfurt, 1968)
18 In this context both the effective use of the modern (social) media as the so-called social networks can be considered.
19 In the previous period, Iran has often witnessed conflict between the sovereignty of the people and the religious sovereignty. Due to the lack of democratic standards and brutal oppression, the credibility of the establishment has significantly diminished. The brutal oppression of the people has also raised many questions in the international community on the legitimacy of the Iranian State. See Ramin Jahanbegloo, The Two Sovereignties and the Legitimacy Crisis in Iran (2010).
20 C. Hill, The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)
21 What is the relationship between domestic and foreign policy? Should they even be distinguished? http://www.e-ir.info/?p=1299#_ftn2
22 S. Nasiri, S. and P. Salim, "De EU treft Iran op de verkeerde manier", NRC Handelsblad, 3 Aug. 2010
23 For more information, see State Department Country Reports on Terrorism, 2008. This also appears in a WikiLeaks disclosure: "WikiLeaks: Iran tried to recruit Sinai Bedouin to smuggle arms into Gaza," Reuters, December 16, 2010, http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/wikileaks-iran-tried-to- recruit-sinai bedouin-to-smuggle-arms-into-gaza-1.330983, and "WikiLeaks: Red Crescent smuggled weapons for Iran," Ynetnews, November 29, 2010, http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0, 7340, L-3991099,00.html
24 S. Nasiri & P. Salim, "De EU treft Iran op de verkeerde manier"
25 See De Resolutie van de Algemene Vergadering van de VN 65/226, "Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran".
26 The UPR is an instrument of the UN Human Rights Council which checks all states of the UN on internal compliance of human rights.
27 The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court requires that to constitute a crime against humanity, the killings be (1) a widespread or systematic attack, (2) directed against a civilian population, (3) with knowledge on the part of the perpetrator of the nature of the attack. Rome Statute, supra note 61, art. 7.
28 Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, "Violation Aftermath", pages 2 and 43
29 See Geoffrey Robertson, "The Massacre of Political Prisoners in Iran 1988". Robertson suggests “that one Convention which must be considered for applicability to the 1988 massacres is the Genocide Convention". He insists "that both the extermination of steadfast MKO members and innate apostates should be qualified as Crimes of Genocide”.
See also Iranian Human Rights Documentation Centre (IHRDC), Deadly Fatwa: Iran’s 1988 Prison Massacre (2009). IHRDC is of the opinion that this massacre is to be considered as a “Crime against Humanity”.
30 Mark Lander, "U.S. Sanctions 8 Iran Officials for Crackdown", The New York Times, 29 September 2010 http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/30/world/middleeast/30sanctions.html
31 Official Journal of the European Union, COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 359/2011, 12 April 2011
32 UN News Center, "UN Human Rights Council to appoint a rapporteur to look into Iranian record", 24 March 2010
33 The proposed visit concerns the pending requests of the Special Reporters on the subject of torture, independence of judges and lawyers and extrajudicial executions. The Working Group on forced disappearances and the Special Reporter on religious freedom have been waiting for Iran's reply on a confirmation of a possible visit (see www.ohchr.org).
34 W. Marti, "Diplomatic Investigations", page 17
35 For more information, see H. Cullen and K. Morrow, "International civil society in international law: the growth of NGO participation".
36 In this context, see the supportive role of many European organizations. A recent example is "European Students’s Union, ESU nominates imprisoned Iranian activist for Student Peace Prize", 8 April 2010.
37 See Universele Verklaring Voor de Rechten van de Mens (1948), Preambule
38 For an idiosyncratic analysis, see A. Badiou, "Quand un vent d'est balaie l'arrogance de l'Occident", Le Monde, 18 Feb. 2011
39 F. Hölderlin, “Wo aber Gefahr ist, wächst, Das Rettende auch””
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