Syria WikiLeaks Special: How the US Government "Supported Opposition Groups" (and for How Long?)
Wednesday, April 20, 2011 at 10:13
Scott Lucas in American Bar Association, American University, Arab Women Media Center, Bureau of Human Rights and Labor, Center for International Private Enterprise, Craig Whitlock, Democracy Council of California, EA Middle East and Turkey, Freedom House, Middle East Parnership Initiative, Middle East and Iran, Movement for Justice and Development, Syria, Washington Post

Craig Whitlock, writing in The Washington Post, declares, "US Secretly Backed Syrian Opposition Groups, Cables Released by WikiLeaks Show".

It is a provocative article, but it only goes so far. When you read it alongside the WikiLeaks cables that it mentions, vital questions emerge, both about the specific case of Syria and about the many cases beyond. What does this story say about the relationship --- past and present --- between the US Government and private groups? What it say about the distinction between support of "civil society" and support of movements to challenge and even topple regimes?

See also Syria WikiLeaks Document: The US Government Support of Opposition Groups, Civil Society, and Human Rights (April 2009)

Whitlock's account is useful in description of US-backed initiatives up to 2009, but he does not really take on the significance of the April 2009 report from US diplomats in Damascus that not only put a question mark over US-funded efforts, but did so in the context of a wider shift in American policy:

As the Syria policy review moves apace, and with the apparent collapse of the primary Syrian external opposition organization, one thing appears increasingly clear: U.S. policy may aim less at fostering "regime change" and more toward encouraging "behavior reform".
Thus, the US Embassy said the challenge was "how to bring our U.S.-sponsored civil society and human rights programming into line a less confrontational bilateral relationship" with Syria.
It is not known if the Embassy's recommendations were adopted. Whitlock notes, "The cables indicate money was set aside at least through September 2010," but even that does not indicate if the funds were allocated or suspended.
And there is a further issue. Whitlock's account focuses on one initiative: the funding of the satellite channel Barada TV, affiliated with the London-based Syrian exile organisation Movement for Justice and Development.
That is understandable, given the $6 million provided to the MJD from 2006, funneled through the Democracy Council of California in a "Civil Society Strengthening Initiative". But there were a variety of programmes pursued through the Bureau of Human Rights and Labor and the Middle East Partnership Initiative, established by the George W. Bush Administration. Recipients of grants included Freedom House, for workshops for Syrian activists on "strategic non-violence and civic mobilization";  the American Bar Association, which held a conference in Damascus and then continued outreach for legal education programs in Syria through local partners;  American University, for research on Syrian tribal and civil society; Internews, which worked with the Arab Women Media Center to support media youth camps for university-aged Syrians in Amman and Damascus.  
Funds also went to Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), International War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), and The International Research and Exchange Board (IREX). And there were specific programmes through the Aspen Strategic Initiative Institute (more than $2 million for "Supporting Democratic Reform"), the Regents of the University of New Mexico (almost $1 million for "The Cooperative Monitoring Center-Amman: Web Access for Civil Society Initiatives"), the International Republican Institute ($1.25 million for "Supporting Democratic Reform"). 
Details of other grants are blacked out in the document, at the request of the State Department. So are all initiatives conducted inside Syria, given security considerations and diplomatic sensitivities.
So what exactly was the line --- if any --- between supporting movements for "civil society" and those advocating the overthrow of the Assad regime? That may not be possible to establish, especially given the censored portions of the April 2009 cable; nor is there any indication whether the US Government gave an answer to that question after the April approach by the Embassy.
What is clear, however, is that the Damascus Embassy was worried that it had no control, and indeed little involvement, in the programmes: "Though the Embassy has had direct input on a few of these efforts, especially with DRL, most of the programming has proceeded without direct Embassy involvement."
The Embassy was thus trying to get a handle on the US efforts amidst its call to establish "how best to advise the SARG (Syrian regime) that its tolerating dissent will be a key issue as our bilateral relationship moves forward".
But further WikiLeaks cables indicate that this clarity was not forthcoming. In June, the US diplomats in Damascus raised questions about the Movement for Justice and Development: "Evidence the organization has a sizable, influential constituency inside and outside Syria is difficult to discern.  Post has seen no reporting on the size MJD’s base in Europe and the U.S." The Embassy continued with even greater worries:
Reporting in other channels suggest the Syrian Muhabarat [security service] may already have 
penetrated the MJD and is using MJD contacts to track U.S. democracy programming.  If the SARG does know, but has chosen not to intervene openly, it raises the possibility that the SARG may be mounting a campaign to entrap democracy activists receiving illegal (under Syrian law) foreign assistance.
And in September, the Embassy wrote of the questioning of civil society and human rights activists by Syrian security agencies: "It is unclear to what extent SARG intelligence services understand how USG money enters Syria and through which proxy organizations.  What is clear, however, is that security agents are increasingly focused on this issue when they interrogate human rights and civil society activists."
US Secretly Backed Syrian Opposition Groups, Cables Released by WikiLeaks Show
CRAIG WHITLOCK

The State Department has secretly financed Syrian political opposition groups and related projects, including a satellite TV channel that beams anti-government programming into the country, according to previously undisclosed diplomatic cables.

The London-based satellite channel, Barada TV, began broadcasting in April 2009 but has ramped up operations to cover the mass protests in Syria as part of a long-standing campaign to overthrow the country’s autocratic leader, Bashar al-Assad. Human rights groups say scores of people have been killed by Assad’s security forces since the demonstrations began March 18; Syria has blamed the violence on “armed gangs.”

Barada TV is closely affiliated with the Movement for Justice and Development, a London-based network of Syrian exiles. Classified U.S. diplomatic cables show that the State Department has funneled as much as $6 million to the group since 2006 to operate the satellite channel and finance other activities insideSyria. The channel is named after the Barada River, which courses through the heart of Damascus, the Syrian capital.

The U.S. money for Syrian opposition figures began flowing under President George W. Bush after he effectively froze political ties with Damascus in 2005. The financial backing has continued under President Obama, even as his administration sought to rebuild relations with Assad. In January, the White House posted an ambassador to Damascus for the first time in six years.

The cables, provided by the anti-secrecy Web site WikiLeaks, show that U.S. Embassy officials in Damascus became worried in 2009 when they learned that Syrian intelligence agents were raising questions about U.S. programs. Some embassy officials suggested that the State Department reconsider its involvement, arguing that it could put the Obama administration’s rapprochement with Damascus at risk.

Syrian authorities “would undoubtedly view any U.S. funds going to illegal political groups as tantamount to supporting regime change,” read an April 2009 cable signed by the top-ranking U.S. diplomat in Damascus at the time. “A reassessment of current U.S.-sponsored programming that supports anti-[government] factions, both inside and outside Syria, may prove productive,” the cable said.

It is unclear whether the State Department is still funding Syrian opposition groups, but the cables indicate money was set aside at least through September 2010. While some of that money has also supported programs and dissidents inside Syria, The Washington Post is withholding certain names and program details at the request of the State Department, which said disclosure could endanger the recipients’ personal safety.

Syria, a police state, has been ruled by Assad since 2000, when he took power after his father’s death. Although the White House has condemned the killing of protesters in Syria, it has not explicitly called for his ouster.

The State Department declined to comment on the authenticity of the cables or answer questions about its funding of Barada TV.

Read full article....

Article originally appeared on EA WorldView (http://www.enduringamerica.com/).
See website for complete article licensing information.